I will be examining death using Cultural scripts for a good death in Japan and the US written by Susan Orpett Long. This article demonstrates how the Japanese and American data, based on ethnographic fieldwork in both countries, suggest somewhat different concerns and assumptions about human life and the relation of the person to the wider social world, but indicate similar concerns about the process of medicalized dying and the creation of meaning for those involved (Long 2004). To summarize, both countries most people conveyed a desire for a meaningful death that is timely, pain-free, and appropriate to the way they have lived their lives. They also expressed concern for their relationships with significant others, not wanting to become a burden but wishing for a sense of connected-ness. People in both countries stated scientific explanations of death while often maintaining an underlying spiritual sensibility. However in the United States, family responsibility for care and social continuity was a more dominant theme in Japan. Data points to a significant gap in both countries between cultural scripts and the ways that ordinary people talk about dying. Both used metaphors such as dying on tatami in Japan or becoming a vegetable for Americans to think through their own feelings about how to die well. Other examples are Japanese using pokkuri shinu (sudden death) and rosui (gradual decline leading to death in old age) to explain their views to others, whereas Americans us phrases such as ‘‘lingering’’ or ‘‘pulling the plug’’. 

This ethnographic research draws attention to the understanding of how scripts function beyond the words of the experts. In post-industrial societies, there is no single way to die, and multiple scripts serve as alternative models for how to die well(Long 2004). People interpret and utilize their ideas in light of their own experience and creatively recombine elements from them. Type of disease, educational background, religion, and social class may influence exposure and access to different scripts. Some elements of dying well are found across a number of scripts, such as the inclusion of ‘‘spirituality’’ in all of the American scripts from hospital pastoral care to the prayers of fellow churchgoers. These countries unconsciously mix scripts to find the appropriate way to die, or a meaningful explanation for dying. 

In Mali, funerals are usually operated under Islamic rituals, since around 95% of their population is Islamic. The other 5% is Mali Dogon people who has their own cultural religion. The rituals and traditions of these religions are vastly different. Muslims view death as a transition from one state of being to another, not as an end. They believe that actions follow you to the afterlife(Bjordal 2013). In death, you will be separated from the ugliness in the world. But if you live a dishonest and bad life, you will be separated from all the beauty of the world. In the Dogon’s culture, death is looked at as the separation from the nyama (the body or vital life force) and the kikinu (soul)(Goldade 2018). When it comes to the funeral, the customs and rituals are different. 

During an Islamic funeral, everyone in attendance participates in group prayers and pray that Allah will have mercy on not only the deceased but also on all deceased Muslims. The funerals are to help mourners cope with their grief and to offer hope for a good afterlife for the deceased. Under Islamic funeral customs, the mourning period for a relative is typically 3 days. A widow may mourn for 4 months and 10 days. How an individual expresses mourning in appearance or clothing is not defined by the teachings of the religion but rather on local, regional, or family custom. Mourners at an Islamic funeral may express grief, but only within certain standards of decorum(Bjordal 2013). Dogon’s culture does not view funerals as a mourning event, but more of a celebration. Their funerals are a grand affair with an audience and stage. A leader within the village brings forth the dead in a death-shroud and clothing. Placing the body on the ritual stage, the leader picks up a spear and a mock spear battle occurs with another person who represents evil forces. Although each person has a unique piece of ritual that is passed down secretly from father to son(Goldade 2018). Dogon musketeers then come on stage and begin a dance, each foot stepping to different beats. The musketeers then fire their muskets into the air and at the audience to scare away evil spirits. 

This week I have learned death and the processes of dying is somewhat similar across all cultures. Depending on the culture, ethnicity, and even religion, death could be viewed as a transition or ending. It was very interesting and intriguing to learn how different tribes in Mali welcome death and carry out their funerals.

Work Cited

• Bjordal , Melissa. “Islamic Rituals for the Dying and Deceased.” The Christi Center, 8 Mar. 2013, christicenter.org/2013/03/islamic-rituals-dying-deceased/.
• Goldade, Jenny. “Cultural Spotlight: Mali Dogon People Funeral Traditions.” Frazer Consultants, 3 Aug. 2018, www.frazerconsultants.com/2018/08/cultural-spotlight-mali-dogon-people-funeral-traditions/.
• Long, Susan Orpett. “Cultural Scripts for a Good Death in Japan and the United States: Similarities and Differences.” Social Science & Medicine , vol. 58, John Carroll University, pp. 913–928.