Based on this week’s readings there are many social determinants of health that affect the country of India including early life, work, social support, food, and many more (Marmot, 2005). For the purpose of this activity post, I will be examining malnutrition in Indian women using the social gradient. According to the World Health Organization, the social gradient determines the lower a person is on the social ladder the more likely a person is to obtain disease and die earlier on in life. These people are two times more likely to develop serious diseases and die prematurely. There are many reasons for these disadvantages including lack of education, inadequate job opportunities, and poor living conditions (Marmot, 2005). Overall, the social gradient is an excellent social determinant of health in India.
Women in India come from all different economic backgrounds, but most Indian who come from poor economic backgrounds live in rural areas where they’re expected to work in the farms and provide for the family. While working long hours and lack of a nutritious diet women are at higher risk of developing anemia and malnutrition. Also, many younger females are growing up in families where they notice the unfair treatment of their mothers and are restricted on their food intake. Close to half of young Indian children are malnourished, which leads to a majority of these children not fully developing physically or mentally. According to a study on undernourished children in India, tribal children are more likely to experience malnutrition compared to children living in rural areas where there is less money. The study researched various states in India, Bihar had a 14% increase in malnourished children between rural and urban settings. While there has been a decrease in poverty across the country, malnutrition levels have not had the same success (Radhakrishna, 2004). The country of India needs to devote resources to developing a solution to reduce anemia and malnutrition occurring in its people. Radhakrishna’s study looks at the differences between the economic status of Indian states and the nutrition levels among its people.
A research investigation was conducted by Jose and Navaneetham using the National Family Health Survey to understand the connection between income and malnourished Indian women. They started the paper by writing, “… not only is poverty one of the basic causes of malnutrition, but also malnutrition is considered to be both an outcome and a manifestation of poverty” (Jose & Navaneetham, 2008). I found this interesting that the connection between malnutrition and poverty goes both ways, I never would’ve thought of that. Based on their study, they concluded there was a decline in malnutrition among higher status women; however, the lower-class women have experienced an increase in malnutrition. For example, 52.8% of women in the highest social status is anemic, while 73.8% of women in the lowest social status is anemic. It’s evident that malnutrition and anemia is a problem among all Indian women, but poorer women are more at risk of developing these diseases. The risk decreases if the woman is married; for example, the highest social class has 41.4% of women with anemia while the lowest status has 62.7% of women with anemia (Jose & Navaneetham, 2008). This study along with Radhakrishna’s study emphasizes the importance of the social gradient on malnutrition among Indian women. Overall, there are many social determinants on health that can be applied to my health issue and country, but the social gradient was the best option.
Jose, Sunny, and K. Navaneetham. “A Factsheet on Women’s Malnutrition in India.” Economic and Political Weekly, vol. 43, no. 33, 2008, pp. 61–67. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/40277858.
Marmot, Michael. “Social Determinants of Health Inqualities.” World Health Organization, World Health Organization, drive.google.com/file/d/1ubK2nSOuNnZS9X5vvt7C7rwqQq370tnh/view.
Radhakrishna, R., and C. Ravi. “Malnutrition in India: Trends and Determinants.” Economic and Political Weekly, vol. 39, no. 7, 2004, pp. 671–676. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/4414642.